Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (until 2020 the Anti-Corruption Agency)
An independent body that oversees officials' assets, conflicts of interest and party financing. In the Krušik affair it concluded that minister Stefanović had no conflict of interest, and it did not even examine how arms prices were set; it dismissed Transparency Serbia's complaint about the SNS call centre in just over a month. Even when it did act, nothing came of it: its complaint against the SNS over suspicious donations from 2014 ended in the statute of limitations, and Vulin, whose explanation of the money for his flat it rejected, was reported by it to the prosecutors, who did not open proceedings.
Affairs
- SNS bots and who organises them: Did not comment on the "Castle" case and, according to Nenadić, did not react even after the accounts were shut down
- Irregularities in the 2026 elections: According to observers, the handling of complaints about abuse of public office was not transparent enough
- Sale of the “Jaroslav Černi” Institute to Milenijum tim: According to the Council, it found that the directors had not sought an opinion on conflict of interest before the agreement
- Krušik: arms sales to the GIM company: It concluded that the minister had no conflict of interest because his father had not been engaged by GIM, yet according to BIRN's documents the father was at Krušik on GIM's behalf
- Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski: the diploma, the fines and the party's money: It launched misdemeanour proceedings over the Zavetnici party's spending on the 2020 campaign and on a trip to Moscow
- NITES: contracts of the firm of Kuburović's husband and Kisić Tepavčević's brother: It did not tell BIRN whether it is examining the procurements; according to Transparency Serbia, there are no grounds against the minister
- „Safe votes“ and jobs in the public sector: After a little over a month, it dismissed a complaint that the SNS had set up a call centre and paid activists in breach of the law
- Public contracts for companies owned by officials' relatives: Its register reportedly does not show that Minister Starović's sister has income from her firm
- REM, RTS and state money for the media: It allegedly did not check the assets of Olivera Zekić, who did not submit new reports to it
- Money laundering by RHMZ director Jugoslav Nikolić
- Šapić did not declare villa near Trieste: It has been checking Šapić's reports since February 2019, yet in January 2023 it announced that it had only just launched an extraordinary review
- Siniša Mali and 24 flats in Bulgaria: In 2018 it told prosecutors that Mali had declared all his assets, even though he had not declared the offshore companies
- Suspicious 40,000-dinar donations to the SNS: It did not submit a supplement to its complaint until 2018, when the statute of limitations had already run out, even though it had known about the payments since 2014
- Srbijagas under Dušan Bajatović: Its register shows that Bajatović's monthly income exceeded 2.3 million dinars in 2021
- Vulin's flat and the "aunt from Canada": It found that Vulin had no valid evidence of the loan and in December 2015 reported him to prosecutors on suspicion of bribery
People